tigations of this nature have been already commenced, engage to point out to the Central Commission, immediately after it shall be constituted, the local authorities to whom the investigations shall have been previously confided. 7. The Central Commission is authorised to examine every individual whom it may judge necessary. To secure his appearance, it will apply to the superior authority of the members of the Confederation, or to the authorities who, in virtue of Article 6, may be pointed out for this purpose. [Articles 8, 9, and 10, which conclude this Decree, and the proposition of the Imperial Minister, consist merely of directions for regulating the routine proceedings of the Central Commission.] NOTE OF THE IMPERIAL RUSSIAN MINISTRY TO THE Petersburgh, April 20. (May 2.) THE Note which the Chevalier de Zea de Bermudez addressed to the Ministry of Russia, under the date of the 19th of April, has been laid before the Emperor. Constantly animated with the desire of seeing the prosperity of the State and the glory of the Sovereign maintaining themselves and flourishing together in Spain, his Majesty the Emperor could not, without profound affliction, learn the events which have occasioned the official note of the Chevalier Zea. Even though those events should be considered only as the deplorable consequences of the errors, which, since the year 1814, seem to have presaged a catastrophe for the Peninsula, still nothing can justify the aggréssions which deliver up the destinies of the country to a violent crisis. Too often have similar disorders announced days of sorrow for empires. The future for Spain appears again under a sombrous and disturbed aspect. Well-founded disquietude must be awakened throughout all Europe; but the more serious these circumstances are, and the more they are capable of becoming fatal to that general tranquillity of which the world has scarcely tasted the first fruits, the less does it belong to the powers guaranteeing that universal benefit to pronounce separately, with precipitation, and according to limited or exclusive views, a definitive judgment on the transactions which have marked the commencement of the month of March in Spain. Not doubting but that the Cabinet of Madrid has addressed similar communications to all the Allied Courts, his Imperial Majesty readily believes that all Europe is about to speak in one unanimous voice to the Spanish Government the language of truth-consequently the language of a friendship equally frank and well intentioned. Meanwhile the Russian Ministry cannot dispense with adding some considerations on the anterior facts to which the Chevalier Zea de Bermudez has referred in his note. Like him, the Imperial Cabinet will invoke the testimony of those facts, and, in citing them, will make known to him the principles which the Emperor proposes to follow in his relations with his most Catholic Majesty. In shaking off the foreign yoke which the French revolution had imposed, Spain acquired indelible titles to the esteem and gratitude of all European powers. Russia paid her the tribute of these sentiments in the treaty of the 8th (20th) of July, 1812. Since the general pacification, Russia has, in concert with her allies, given more than one proof of the interest she takes in Spain. The correspondence which has taken place between the different courts of Europe attests the wish which the Emperor has always formed that the authority of the King might be consolidated in both hemispheres, through the medium of pure and generous principles, and with the support of vigorous institutions, rendered still more vigorous by the regular mode of their establishment. Institutions which emanate from thrones are conservatory; but if they spring up amidst troubles, they only engender a new chaos. In declaring his conviction on this point, the Emperor only speaks according to the lessons of experience. If we look back on the past, great examples present themselves for the meditation of nations and sovereigns. His Majesty persists in his opinion; his wishes are not changed: of that he here gives the most formal assurance. It now belongs to the Government of the Peninsula to judge whether institutions imposed by one of those violent acts the fatal patrimony of the revolution against which Spain had struggled with so much honor-can realise the benefits which both worlds expect from the wisdom of his most Catholic Majesty, and the patriotism of his councils. The path by which Spain shall choose to seek this important object, the measures by which she shall endeavour to destroy the impression produced in Europe by the event of the month of March, must determine the nature of the relations which his Imperial Majesty will preserve with the Spanish Government, and the confidence which he would always wish to testify towards it. COPY OF A MEMORIAL OF THE RUSSIAN CABINET TO ITS MINISTERS AT FOREIGN COURTS, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. THE Chevalier de Zea Bermudez has presented to the Imperial Cabinet the annexed Note, relative to the events which have just taken place in the Peninsula, and of which we were already informed by the despatches that were forwarded to us by our agents at foreign Courts. M. de Zea, in this document, confines himself to informing us, that the Constitution promulgated by the Cortes in the year 1812, has been accepted by the King, and expresses a desire to know how the Emperor has viewed this change of the Government. If the distance which separates us from Spain, and from the States which are best enabled to weigh maturely the nature of the disasters with which she is menaced, be considered, it will be readily acknowledged that the position of the Imperial Ministry, with regard to the Representative of the Spanish nation, was difficult and delicate. The Revolution of the Peninsula fixes the attention of the two hemispheres; the interests which it is about to decide, are the interests of the Universe; and if ever the Emperor wished that the opinion of his Allies might conduce to regulate his own, it certainly was at the moment when the note of the Chevalier de Zea imposed upon his Imperial Majesty the obligation of pronouncing upon an event which involves, perhaps, the future destinies of all civilised nations. This obligation, however, existed; for, in these days, every subject of doubt becomes an instrument of malevolence. The necessity of replying to M. de Zea was therefore evident; but, in this important conjuncture, it appeared natural, that previously to pronouncing an opinion, the Emperor should consider the object which the Allied Powers proposed to themselves in their relations with Spain; that he should consult the views which they had expressed to that same Power, and that he should take as a guide for his own, the principles of European policy. This is what his Imperial Majesty was bound to do; this is what he has done. Since the year 1812, more than one Diplomatic Document attests the generous solicitude which the several Courts of Europe have constantly manifested in behalf of Spain. They applauded the noble perseverance with which her intrepid people resisted a foreign yoke. They rendered homage to their wisdom, when they rallied round a constitutional throne, the dearest interests of their country; -the interests of her independence. Finally, from the period when PROVIDENCE restored Ferdinand VII. to his people, they never failed to acknowledge that solid institutions could alone secure on its basis the ancient Spanish monarchy. The Allied Sovereigns did more. In the course of long conferences, relative to the differences with Rio de la Plata, and to the pacification of the Colonies, they let it be sufficiently understood, that these institutions would cease to be a means of peace and happiness, if, instead of being granted by kindness, as a voluntary concession, they should be adopted by weakness as a last resource of salvation. Let us investigate, on the other hand, the great transactions which established the European alliance. What is the object of the engagements that were renewed on the (3d) 15th of November, 1818? The Allied Monarchs had just then obliterated the last traces of the Revolution in France; but that Revolution seemed ready to produce new calamities.. The obligation of the monarchs was, therefore, and their design was, to prevent that, bursting from the same horizon, the same storm should a third time desolate Europe. Nevertheless, as if the alarms which were then excited by the state of France, and which it still excites, were not sufficient as if governments and nations entertained but slight doubts with respect to its future condition, it was necessary that the genius of evil should select a new theatre, and that Spain, in her turn, should be offered up as a fearful sacrifice. Revolution has therefore changed its ground; but the duties of Monarchs cannot have changed their nature, and the power of the insurrection is neither less formidable, nor less dangerous, than it would have been in France. In unison, therefore, with his Allies, his Majesty cannot but desire to see granted to the Peninsula, as to its trans-marine Provinces, a Government which he considers as the only one that can yet justify some hope in this stage of calamities. But in virtue of his engagement of the (3d) 15th of November, 1818, his Majesty is bound to mark, with the most forcible reprobation, the revolutionary measures set in action to give new institutions to Spain. Such is the twofold idea which is found developed in the annexed answer, which the Cabinet of Russia has made to the Chevalier de Zea, by order of his Imperial Majesty. The Emperor does not doubt that his august Allies will approve its contents, and perhaps they have already addressed similar sentiments to the Court of Madrid. The same wishes may, in fact, have inspired the same language, and convinced them, like his Majesty, that crime must always yield pernicious fruit: they have, doubtless, deplored as he has, the outrage which has recently tarnished the annals of Spain. We repeat it, this outrage is deplorable. It is deplorable for the Peninsula; it is deplorable for Europe; and the Spanish nation now owes the example of an expiatory deed to the people of the two hemispheres. Till this be done, the unhappy object of their disquietude can only make them fear the contagion of her calamities. Nevertheless, amidst all these 1. This refers to the " Note of the Imperial Russian Ministry to the resident Spanish Minister." elements of disaster, and when so many motives combine to afflict the real friends of the welfare of nations, may a better future still be looked for? Is there any wise and redeeming measure, whose effect may be to reconcile Spain with herself, as well as with the other Powers of Europe? We dare not affirm it: for experience has taught us to consider almost always as an illusion, the hope of a happy event. But, if we might trust the calculations which personal interests would seem bound to indicate; if it were permitted to presume that the Cortes would consult the interest of their own preservation, it might be believed that they would hasten to extirpate, by a solemn measure, all that is culpable in the circumstances which accompanied the change of the Administration in Spain. The interests of the Cortes are here identified with the interests of Europe. The misled soldiery who protected, may to morrow assail them; and their first duty towards their Monarch, towards their country, and themselves, seems to be, to prove that they will never consent to legalise insurrection. These are hopes which would not appear to be without some foundation. The Emperor, however, is far from cherishing them; and if he admitted the possibility of a result so useful, he would make it depend upon the unanimity which might manifest itself in the opinion of the principal Powers of Europe, as to the act by which the representatives of the Spanish people ought to signalise the opening of their deliberations. This unanimity, always so powerful when it takes the character of an irrevocable deed, will perhaps carry conviction to the minds of the most eminent ministers of his Catholic Majesty; and the Allied Courts would seem to have an easy means of impressing upon their language such an imposing uniformity. Their Ministers in France have hitherto treated, in their name, with a Plenipotentiary of the Court of Madrid. Can they not now present to him, in common, observations, the summary of which follows, and which would recal to the Spanish Government the conduct, as well as the political principles, of the Allied Monarchs? "The Monarchs," would the five Ministers say, "have never ceased to entertain wishes for the prosperity of Spain. They will always entertain them. They have desired that in Europe, as in America, institutions conformable to the progress of civilisation, and to the wants of the age, might procure to all Spaniards long years of peace and happiness. They desire the same at this moment. They have wished that all these institutions should become a real blessing, by the legal manner in which they should be introduced. They now wish the same. "This last consideration will convey to the Ministers of his Catholic Majesty, with what sentiments of affliction and grief they have learned the events of the 8th of March, and those which preceded it. According to their opinion, the salvation of Spain, as well as the welfare of Europe, will require that this crime should be disavowed, this stain effaced, this bad example exterminated. The honor of such a reparation appears to depend upon the Cortes. Let them deplore, and forcibly reprobate, the means employed to establish a new mode of Government in their country, and, in consolidating an administration wisely constitutional, let them adopt the most vigorous laws against sedition and revolt. "Then, and only then, the Allied Cabinets will be able to maintain friendly and amicable relations with Spain." These observations, urged in common by the representatives of the five Courts, would, from thenceforth, demonstrate to the Spanish Ministry the conduct which the Allied Governments would observe, in case the consequences of the 8th of March should perpetuate, in Spain, trouble and anarchy. If these salutary councils be listened to; if the Cortes offer to heir King, in the name of the nation, a pledge of obedience; if they suc 1 ceed in establishing, upon durable bases, the tranquillity of Spain, and the peace of Southern America, the Revolution will have been defeated, at the very moment when it thought to obtain a triumph. If, on the contrary, alarms, perhaps too reasonable, be realised, at least the five Courts will have discharged a sacred duty; at least a new occurrence will have developed the principles, indicated the object, and displayed the scope of the European alhance. The Emperor awaits the answer of the Courts of Vienna, London, Berlin, and Paris, to the communications which his Ministers have addressed to him on this subject. He informs them that the present Memorial is the instruction which he has caused to be despatched to all his Ministers on the subject of the affairs of Spain. NAPLES AND AUSTRIA. The Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the King of the Two Sicilies, to His Highness Prince Metternich, Minister of State and of Foreign Affairs to the Emperor of Austria. 1 Naples, Oct. 1. : HIS MAJESTY the King of the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, after having renewed in the face of the national parliament his solemn oath to observe the new compact which has united in one the interests of his august dynasty and of his people, deems it his first and most important duty to adopt the proper measures which may contribute to consolidate his work, and to guard it from the attacks which false political combinations or ill-founded prejudices might excite against it. Affairs to the Emperor of On this account His Majesty has ordered the undersigned Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to make without delay to his Highness Prince Metternich, Minister of State, of Conferences, and of Foreign Affairs, Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the following communication :From the moment that the King determined to second the unanimous wishes of his people, in adopting for his states the Constitution of Spain, one of his first cares was to make known to the Cabinet of Vienna-the only Cabinet with which he had engagements-the circumstances which had given occasion to this event; and to assure it, at the same time, that it could not introduce any change in the relations of amity and good understanding which happily subsisted between the two courts. Prince Cariati was intrusted with this honorable mission; but all his efforts to execute it were unsuccessful, the Austrian Ministry having declin ed, under different pretexts, all explanation on the affairs of Naples. A fatal prejudice had taken possession of its counsels, and it declared against our political reform before even it could form a just opinion of it, and almost on the first rumor of it which reached Vienna. Anxious to enlighten the Imperial Court of Vienna on the true state of our affairs, the King hastened to write himself to his Majesty the Emperor, his august nephew and son-in-law. Duke Nicolas of Serra Capriola was commissioned to present the royal letter to his Imperial Majesty, and to announce to the Austrian Ministry the destination of the Duke of Gailo to the embassy at Vienna, in room of Prince Ruffo, who, by an inexcusable disobedience to the orders of his government, had forfeited the confidence of his Sovereign and of the nation. Unhappily the mission of the Duke of Serra Capriola had no better success than that of Prince Cariati., He did not obtain permission to see his Imperial Majesty, he was told that the Emperor did not think himself bound to reply to the King's letter, which he had received on the supposition that its contents were of a nature purely |