or rather because French hints to that effect had been coldly received by the other Powers. General Beaufort d'Hautpoul,79 put in command of the expeditionary corps, 80 was instructed to act in conjunction with the international fleet off the coast of Syria, "à arrêter, par des mesures promptes et énergiques, l'effusion de sang et à seconder la répression des attentats commis sur les Chrétiens, et qui ne sauraient rester impunis. L'article III du Protocole stipule qu'à cet effet il devra à son arrivée en Syrie entrer en communication avec le Commissaire de la Porte. Cette clause était commendée par la situation même des choses; l'accord des Puissances devait se retrouver dans la participation de leurs Agents appelés à contribuer au résultat qu'elles 79 General Beaufort d'Hautpoul was well acquainted with Syria where he had been attached to the staff of Ibrahim Pasha. His first aide-de-camp was the Major of Cavalry Boyer, who had served on the staff of Marshal Saint-Arnauld.

80 The composition of the French expeditionary corps as recorded on the rocks near the mouth of the Dog River, flanked by hieroglyphics of Egyptian and cuneiform inscriptions of Assyrian kings, memorials of Roman emperors and Seljuq sultans, was as follows: "Général de Beaufort d'Hautpoul, Commandant en Chef; Colonel Osmont, Chef d'État-Major Général; Général Ducrot, commandant l'Infanterie; 5me de Ligne; 2me Génie; 1er Hussards; 13me de Ligne; ler d'Artillerie; 1er Chasseurs d'Afrique; 16me Bat. Chasseurs; 10me d'Artillerie; 3me Chasseurs d'Afrique; ler Zouaves; Services Administratifs; 2me Spahis." An American missionary tells in connection with this memento a story which is too good not to repeat: "A young Englishman named Lee visited the famous Dog River, nine miles from Beirut, for the purpose of studying the inscriptions on the ancient rock-hewn tablets of Sesostris, Esarhaddon and others, of which there were nine. On reading his "Murray's Guide" he was surprised to find that the face of one of the ancient tablets had been smoothed down by a chisel and a French inscription cut upon it, commemorating the French military expedition to Syria in 1860-61 with the name of Napoleon III and the officers of the army. Supposing it to have been the work of some unauthorised vandal, he took a stone and defaced the emperor's name from the inscription. On his return to Beirut he was summoned to the British consulate to answer a charge of the French consul that he had destroyed French property. He then wrote an apologetic answer to the French consul and also expressed his surprise that the French officials who had sent Renan to explore the Syrian antiquities, should have authorised the destruction of one of its most ancient monuments. The French consul returned his letter as unsatisfactory and there the incident closed." JESSUP, op. cit., p. 236. This act of vandalism was after all quite in keeping with the destruction of ancient monuments of architecture and art for which holy ecclesiastics were canonised; with the devastation that marked the path of successful crusaders: "Amenés à s'entourer de gigantesques murailles de pierre, les templiers, les hospitaliers, l'ordre teutonique, la puissante féodalité de Syrie dévorèrent tous les monuments antiques autour d'eux, et comme ils bâtissaient bien, comme la plupart des pierres avant d'être employées étaient retaillées, les traces primitives furent déplorablement oblitérées. RENAN, op. cit., Conclusions. According to information just received, a "modest" new inscription has been added to the old ones above referred to, which memorates Sir Edmund Allenby's victorious campaign of 1917-18 in wresting Syria with Palestine from the Turks.

ont résolu de poursuivre. L'envoyé du Sultan et M. le Général de Beaufort auront donc a réunir leurs efforts communs en combinant l'action de nos troupes avec les pleins pouvoirs dont le Commissaire Ottoman a été muni et qui lui donnent le droit de rendre et de faire exécuter les décisions exigées par les circonstances. M. le Général de Beaufort toutefois conserve une entière liberté d'appréciation pour tout ce qui concerne l'honneur de notre drapeau et la sûreté de notre corps expéditionnaire. A cet égard il demeure libre en s'expliquant cependant avec le Représentant du Gouvernement Turc, d'adopter les mesures et d'occuper les positions qu'il jugera utile de prendre.”81 Meanwhile Sultan 'Abd'al-Majid had despatched Fu'ad Pasha 82 to Syria with instructions embodied in a firmān which our author gives in extenso. Both master and servant were in dead earnest. The tidings of the massacre at Damascus, which reached Fuad Pasha when he arrived in Cyprus on his way from Constantinople to Bayrut, made him "fume with rage." He possessed a strong hand and a clever, clear head and might be relied upon to do his work much more thoroughly than commissioners who had preceded him, charged with the performance of similar tasks, Shakib Effendy, for instance, another Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, sent in 1845 after the sack of the French Capuchin monastery at Abayḥ and the murder of its Superior, Father Charles de Lorette, to punish that crime on the spot and prevent further breaches of the peace. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer said nothing too much when calling the new Turkish Commissioner 81 Letter, dated August 4, 1860, from M. Thouvenel, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Admiral Hamelin, French Minister of War ad interim.

82 Fuad Pasha, son of the distinguished poet Kechéyi Zadeh and himself poetically inclined in his leisure hours, was born in 1815 and educated for the medical profession. Beginning his career as a surgeon in the army, he soon entered the Civil Service as an official of the department of Foreign Affairs, was appointed secretary of the Turkish Embassy in London, then sent as a special envoy on missions to St. Petersburg and Egypt, rising rapidly to high rank. In 1851 he was Minister of Foreign Affairs, a place which he held five times besides his occupying twice the still more exalted position of Grand Vizir and once that of Minister of War. A bold military commander as he proved himself to be when in charge of the operations on the Greek frontier during the Crimean War, his greatest victories were however gained in the field of diplomacy. Pro-English in his policy, he helped to humiliate Russia as Turkish delegate to the Congress of Paris, which may have had something to do with the City of London conferring its freedom on him when, accompanying Sultan 'Abd'al-Aziz on a tour through Egypt and Europe, he visited England again. Liberal in his views, he worked together with Muḥammad 'Aly Amin Pasha for the rebirth of Turkey on the lines laid down in 'Abd'al-Majid's Hatty Sharif and Hatty Humayun to perfect Mahmud's incipient Tanzimāt. Fu'ād Pasha died at Nice in 1869.

"perhaps the best man that could be found for the duty entrusted to him;"83 Captain J. A. Paynter, Commander of Her Majesty's Exmouth, rightly laid stress on his "European reputation for ability and honesty of purpose."84 Fuad Pasha arrived in Bayrut on the 17th of July and lost no time in taking the necessary measures to execute the Sultan's commands. As soon as he had put the administration of the pashalic of Șayda in shape, he proceeded to Damascus, which place he entered on the 4th of August, preceded, already on the 13th of July, by 3000 men of the regular army under Muḥammar Pasha who relieved Aḥmad Pasha from his civil and military functions pending an inquiry into his conduct. Determined to do his duty with strict impartiality, keeping the three objects of his mission in view-repression, reparation and reorganisation-Fu'ad Pasha showed that the Porte had no desire to shirk its responsibility, and the way in which he carried out the first number on his programme, while it gained him the nickname of "father of the cord," made him at once master of the situation.85

But the Maronites wanted more, much more than impartial treatment and justice. They wanted to secure by the tangible presence of the French troops what they had failed to gain by the former underhand consular assistance, namely, the hegemony, nay, the absolute possession of Mount Lebanon, and revenge first of all, a terrible revenge on their enemies. This last holds good for the Christians in general, who spared no pains to put the non-Christians in the most hateful light, took even advantage of the sentiment created in their behalf throughout Europe, to raise a cry against the Damascene Jews, though no doubt existed that the Jewish community of Damascus was guiltless of any participation in the outbreak. 8 It can be imagined

83 Letter of July 17, 1860, to Lord Russell.

84 Letter of July 19, 1860, to Vice-Admiral W. F. Martin.

86

85 An official telegram from Damascus, dated August 20 and published in the London Times of September 3, 1860, which enumerates the culprits shot and hanged for a beginning, adds: "The army of the Sultan acts with the most rigorous discipline and in perfect loyalty. The arm of justice is absolutely triumphant."

86 Cf the communication from Sir Moses Montefiore to Lord Russell, dated October 16, 1860, and accompanied by the translation of a letter he had received from the heads of the Jewish community of Damascus, dated 7th Tishri, 5621 (September, 1860), in which they complained of the Christians plotting and preferring false accusations against them with a view to having them condemned to death by the tribunal instituted to try those who had risen in rebellion.

how they exaggerated the actual misdeeds of Druzes and Moslemin, forgetting that there were two sides to the story as Lord Dufferin wrote to Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, 87 to continue: "In proportion as the real truth unfolded itself this conjecture [that it might be necessary to modify his opinions] became a certainty and I am now in a position to state, without fear of contradiction, that however criminal may have been the excesses into which the Druzes were subsequently betrayed, the original provocation came from the Christians, and that they are themselves, in a great measure, responsible for the torrents of blood which have been shed." We have already spoken of our author's lack of appreciation of the difficulties which obstructed the path of Khurshid Pasha. His bias makes him draw a picture of Sa'yd Bey Janblāț, which also bears very little resemblance to the original and reminds one of a certain biography by Capefigue, greatly disliked by Metternich, who refused to recognise himself in it, adding: "C'est au reste ainsi que s'écrit l'histoire et qu'elle ne devrait pas s'écrire."89 Guilty as he was in some respects, the energetic Druze leader could prove at his trial, though it was not conducted in a

87 From Bayrut, February 24, 1861.

88 The Janblat family belonged with the Yazbak or 'Amād and Nakad families to the most powerful of the Druze nobility. It is said to have been of Turkish origin, OPPENHEIM, op. cit., I, 115, and was one of the most wealthy and influential in the whole country; a Janblāṭy was Pasha of Aleppo about the beginning of the seventeenth century. BURTON, op. cit., derives the name from jan-pulad, life of steel. Sa'yd Bey Janblāt, the purse, as Khaṭṭar al-'Amād was called the sword and Husayn Talḥuq the tongue of the Druzes, had personal reasons to dislike the Maronites and deserves the more praise for using his influence to curb, whenever practicable, the passions of his people excited by their arrogance and insolence. He was the son of the Sheikh Bashir Janblāt who, having amassed wealth in the Buqā'a, moved to the Shuf and settled at Mukhtāra where he built the palace which became the family-seat. Sheikh Bashir Janblāt, always at loggerheads with the 'Amir Bashir Shihab during the disturbances which enlivened the decade before the Egyptian occupation, was at last made a prisoner by irregular Turkish troops, not without Maronite assistance. Brought to Acre, 'Abdullah Pasha had him decapitated, May, 1825, at the orders of Muḥammad 'Aly. "His three sons, then mere children, remained in exile during the remainder of the Amir Bashir's administration, but returned to find their ancestral home at Muchtara in ruins, on the restoration of the Sultan's government in 1840. The eldest, Naaman Bey, retired into strictly private life shortly after the civil war of 1841. The youngest, Ismail, was sent for his education to England, but, after only a year's absence, returned with his mind completely disordered and, lingering a few years in hopeless lunacy, died. The name, fortune and prestige of the Jumblatts had now to be sustained by Said Bey alone." CHURCHILL, op. cit., p. 88. 89 Aus Metternich's nachgelassenen Papieren, published by his son, Prince RICHARD METTERNICH-WINNBURG.

proper manner, as he averred, and several of his answers were not recorded, that he saved many a Christian's life and might have done more if he had not been handicapped by the opposition of the Yazbakies, his rivals. 90

In this connection it gives pleasure to note that our author does not repeat the gruesome tales current about Sitt Na'yfah, Sa'yd Bey Janblāt's sister who, far from being the female ghoul, gloating in her refined cruelty over the agony of the Christians slaughtered in the saraï at Ḥaşbayya and feasting her eyes on their mangled corpses, as Colonel Churchill relates in his sensational book, "1 "distinguished herself by sheltering many Christians in her house during the massacre, whereby their lives were saved,"92 and behaved altogether with the greatest courage, acting in their behalf with unremitting zeal. 93 Nevertheless numerous Christians demanded her arrest "as they [did] her execution on the plea that she was the chief instigator of the massacre of Ḥaşbayya."94 With regard to the allegation that the Druzes maltreated and butchered women and children, we find it expressly stated that those killed of the latter were boys who might grow into men inspired with the same arrogance and rancorous hatred as their fathers. This does not exculpate but explains: a conqueror's hands are seldom wholly clean, which grievous truth we see verified even when claimants to the highest degree of culture are disseminating their superior civilisation at the point of the bayonet. Yet, to return to the indictment of the Druzes as despoilers and worse, of women,

90 Cf the memorandum of a statement which he made on his deathbed, signed by the vice-consul E. I. ROGERS and forwarded as Inclosure Nr 4 in a letter, dated May 10, from Lord Dufferin to Lord Russell.

91 Already mentioned: The Druzes and the Maronites under the Turkish Rule from 1840 to 1860, p. 173.

92 Letter, dated Bayrut, December 2, 1860, from Major A. J. Fraser to Lord Russell. 93 From the abundant evidence to that effect we permit ourselves one other quotation: "The sister of the great Druze chief, before the massacre began, advised the Christians not to go to the serai. She most probably knew what awaited them and offered to shelter any who came into her house. Unfortunately the greater number mistrusted her, but 400 creatures crowded into her house and when the murderers, panting for more blood, demanded of her to give up the dogs of Christians, she said: "Enter if you dare and take them!" Even in such a moment the Druzes would not have dared to violate the sanctity of the harem of one of their great Princes and with uttered curses retired. The poor creatures she carefully escorted herself to Mokhtarah whence they were dispatched to Sidon and brought off by our men-of-war and landed at Bayrut." Statement of Mr Cyril Graham, inclosed in a letter, dated August 5, 1860, from Lord Dufferin to Lord Russell. 94 See the letter mentioned in Note 92.